By
Claude Arpi
As
‘emergent’ leaders returned from the BRICS meeting in South Africa, PTI
reported that Manmohan Singh had ventured to ask the new Chinese President Xi
Jinping to set up a joint mechanism for the dams being built on the Yarlung
Tsangpo in Tibet (known downstream as Siang and Brahmaputra).
According to PTI: “Notwithstanding pledges to take the bilateral
relationship to a new level, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in his first meeting
with new Chinese President Xi Jinping has sought a joint mechanism to assess
the construction work on dams on Brahmaputra river in Tibet.” That sounds good,
but is it enough?
Talking to the journalists traveling with him in the plane, the
Prime Minister explained, “I took the opportunity to raise the issue of
trans-border river systems. I requested the Chinese Government to provide a
joint mechanism to enable us to assess the type of construction activity that
is going on in the Tibetan Autonomous Region.”
Apparently, President Xi assured Dr Singh that China was quite
conscious of its responsibilities as well as of the interest of the lower
riparian countries.
The report further added: “As regards the specific mechanism
that he had asked, the Chinese President told him that they would further look
into it.”
One could ask, why just a ‘joint mechanism’ and not a treaty on
the lines of the Indus Waters Treaty signed with Pakistan in 1960?
The Prime Minister seemed to have been rather reticent to even
bring the topic on the table: “As of now, [India’s] assessment is that whatever
activity that is taking place on the Brahmaputra region in Tibet, it is
essentially run-of-the-river projects and therefore there is no cause of worry
on our part.”
But what about the Sutlej and the Indus?
On August 4, 2000, The Tribune reported a strange event in the
Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh: flash floods washed away most of the
bridges on the Sutlej, killing many in the process.
The Chandigarh daily explained: “Even three days after the
disaster, the mystery of the flashfloods in the Sutlej which wrecked havoc
along its 200 kilometres in length in the State, remains unresolved,” adding:
“Experts are at a loss to understand where the huge mass of water came from.”
Imagine a 50 feet high wall of water descending into the gorges
of Kinnaur!
In a few hours, more than 100 persons died, 120 kilometres of a
strategic highway (Chini sector) was washed away and 98 bridges destroyed.
While traveling to the Spiti valley a few days after the incident, I witnessed
the extent of the damage.
Oddly, the details of the mishap were similar to others which
had occurred in Arunachal Pradesh a week earlier.
A detailed study carried out a few months later by Indian remote
sensing agencies confirmed that the release of excess water accumulated in the
Sutlej and the Yarlung Tsangpo basins in Tibet had led to the flooding.
On June 25, 2001, nearly a year later, the weekly India Today
published an article entitled ‘Made in China’: “While the satellite images
remain classified, officials of the Ministry of Water Resources indicate that
these pictures show the presence of huge water bodies or lakes upstream in
Sutlej and Siang [Brahmaputra] river basins before the flash floods took place.
However, these lakes disappeared soon after the disaster struck Indian
territory. This probably means that the Chinese had breached these water bodies
as a result of which lakhs of cusecs of water were released into the Sutlej and
Siang river basins.”
It is not difficult to imagine what could ‘naturally’ (or less
naturally) happen if a large structure is constructed north of the McMahon line
during a time of conflict.
The only solution lies in bringing the matter to the negotiating
table. India and China should reach a bilateral water agreement. If a
river-water treaty has been signed between India and Pakistan, why can’t a
similar accord be found between China and India (and why not Bangladesh), in
order to assure a decent life to all in the region
Further there is a Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational
Uses of International Watercourses adopted by the UN in 1997 (though not yet an
international law, because it was not ratified by enough nations); it could
serve as a model for bilateral or multilateral treaties/conventions with China
and others.
Beijing does not usually like to be ‘constrained’ in the
straitjacket of an international agreement, but the new leadership will have to
decide if China wants to be a ‘normal’ State, fully assuming responsibility as
a neighbour or a rogue State like North Korea.
According to Xinhua,
the Indian Prime Minister would have said that India, which “adheres to an
independent foreign policy, will not be used by the Tibetan (refugees) as a
tool to contain China.” This is fine, but there should be some reciprocity.
The PM would have added that India is willing to make concerted
efforts with China to show the world that they are cooperative partners instead
of rivals. A water bilateral agreement would a first step.
In any case, the fruition of the projected mega projects such
the diversion of the Brahmaputra will entirely depend on the new leadership in
China. If he is wise (and let us hope for the best), Xi Jinping will take into
account the negative environment and strategic impact of the mega-dams for the
Indo-Chinese relations.
A formal agreement/treaty, whether in line with the 1997 UN
Water Convention or any other formal agreement, is the only solution which can
give some guarantees to the lower riparian States.
India should not be hesitant to demand what it is entitled to.
NOTE—
Claude Arpi is a French author based in India who freelances for several Indian
news papers and he mostly writes about tri-Himalayan politics: China, India,
Tibet.
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